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this PDF file - ege ve balkan araştırmaları dergisi
EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies Cilt/Volume: 2015-2 Sayı/Issue: 2 SOME REMARKS ON THE SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE OF THE TURKS OF MOREA (17 th - 19th CENTURIES) 1 Mora Türklerinin Sosyo-Kültürel Hayatı Üzerine Bazı Görüşler İbrahim Alper ARISOY ∗ - Dimitris MICHALOPOULOS ∗∗ ABSTRACT As the Turkish population of Peloponnese almost totally disappeared shortly after the outbreak of the Greek Revolution in 1821, information on the social and cultural structure of this people is quite scarce. Nevertheless, travellers’ accounts, some archive documents with rare but useful details, and pieces of information scattered around the relevant literature might give an idea about socio-cultural structure of the Turks of Morea. During the Ottoman period, people falling under this category were living scattered around the peninsula and as such, their subgroups differed from each other depending on their area of settlement, vocational affiliation, level of education and even native tongue. Therefore, they formed a highly heterogeneous population. This study, which focuses on the period between 17 th -19th centuries, aims to share some relevant details on language, religious practices, daily life and local cuisine. Keywords: Morea, Ottomans, Turks, social structure, culture, language. ÖZET Mora Türklerinin Sosyo-Kültürel Hayatı Üzerine Bazı Görüşler 1821 Yılında patlak veren Yunan ihtilalini takip eden kısa süre içinde Mora yarımadasında yaşayan Müslüman-Türk nüfus hemen tamamen ortadan kalktığından Mora Türklerinin sosyo-kültürel yapısı hakkındaki bilgiler oldukça sınırlıdır. Bununla birlikte Osmanlı döneminde Mora’yı ziyaret etmiş olan seyyahların anlatımlarından, ayrıca sınırlı da olsa ilgili literatürde ve bazı arşiv belgelerinde rastlanan detaylar üzerinden bu halkın sosyo-kültürel yapısı hakkında fikir edinmek mümkündür. Yarımadanın her köşesine yayılmış olan Mora Türkleri yaşadıkları yöreye, bağlı bulundukları meslek grubuna, eğitim düzeyine, hatta anadillerine bağlı olarak birbirlerinden farklılaşmakta olup heterojen bir kitle meydana getiriyorlardı. 17 ila 19. yüzyıllar arasını esas alan bu çalışmada Mora Türklerinin sosyo-kültürel hayatından dil ve ağız özellikleri, dini ve günlük hayat, hatta yerel mutfak gibi ayrıntılara yer verilmektedir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Mora, Osmanlılar, Türkler, sosyal yapı, kültür, dil. Some parts of this study are based on the revised and enlarged versions of the papers, which were presented by the authors at the 9th International Congress of Peloponnesian Studies, organised by the Society of Peloponnesian Studies at Nauplion on October 30 - November 2 2015, and 9th International Congress on Population Exchange and Balkan Turkish Culture Studies, took place in Samsun on December 5-6 2015. ∗ Dokuz Eylül University, Izmir. ∗∗ Historical Institute for Studies on Eleutherios Venizelos and his Era in Athens. 1 38 EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2) INTRODUCTION It seems that during the Ottoman period, Ottoman-Turkish 2 inhabitants of Peloponnese formed a heterogeneous community, dispersed around the peninsula. Apart from forming a minority in demographic terms, there were social and economic differences among them, depending on their place of settlement and profession. Besides differences between rural and urban areas, ethno-linguistic differences also seem to have played a role in the heterogeneity of this community. Nevertheless, despite social, economic and even linguistic varieties, being – or becoming – Muslim seems to have formed the common basis for the different segments of this people. Gradually, common characteristics should have increased and led to a distinct community in the course of time. Unfortunately, we do not seem to dispose of accounts, detailed enough to enlighten this process. Actually, due to the sudden and dramatic end of this culture during the first half of the 19th century, as well as due to the remoteness of this period, we do not dispose of direct and detailed sources on the issue. Some characteristics of the local culture of the Turks of Morea can be traced through the impressions of travellers. Although indirectly, some archive documents registered at the Turkish Prime Ministry (Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivleri) also give certain details on their social conditions. Thus, what we tried to do in this paper is to bring these pieces of information together. By culture here, we mean basically the details on language, religion, customs and even cuisine. These details will be categorised as follows under separate titles: socio-economic segments of the society; language, religion and daily life. We are aware of the fact that these details will not provide an overall picture of the issue, but we expect that they shed light on its certain aspects. At this point, it should be also noted that, rather than repeating general characteristics of Ottoman culture, daily life etc., which are common for most of the Ottoman Empire, we will focus on the details, which differentiate the Turks of Morea from those living elsewhere. The paper is based principally on the Ottoman-Turkish sources, but some western accounts and local sources will also be referred to, in so far as they are relevant to the details we focus on. The sources can be categorised into a few groups. In the first group there are some recent works, which are not directly relevant to the topic but give useful details. In the second group there are traveller’s logs, with particular focus on that of Evliyâ Çelebi, who visited the peninsula around mid-17th century, giving a detailed account of not only its geography but also social and cultural characteristics of its people. In another group, there are Ottoman archive documents, which mostly refer to the Within the context of this this study, the terms “Turk”, “Muslim” and “Ottoman” are used interchangeably, for three basic reasons: firstly, “being” or “becoming Turk” has been traditionally identified with being muslim or converting to Islam in the Balkans, especially by the Muslims whose native tongue is not Turkish. In that sense, being or becoming Turk implied embracement of Islamic faith and culture, rather than an ethnic origin. Secondly, as a consequence of this tradition, Muslims of Morea were associated – if not directly identified – with Ottomans/Turks, as the terms “Turkish-Albanian” (Τουρκαλβανοί) or “Turkish-Vardounian” (Τουρκοβαρδουνιώτες) suggest (see below for details). Thirdly, like the case of Cretan Turks (Τουρκοκρητικοί) most of the refugees of Morea settled in present-day Turkey, where they integrated to the wider Turkish society. It is upon this specific historical and geographical context that the aforementioned three terms are used interchangeably. 2 39 İ.A. Arısoy – D. Michalopoulos EBAD/JABS Some Remarks on the Socio-Cultural Life of the Turks of Morea … refugees of Morea after they left the peninsula, but still give an idea on their social characteristics. Besides, some of these documents give details on the religious life. In another group, there are some recent accounts of local history on Morean refugees, who settled around Izmir during and after the Greek Revolution. Lastly – in the hope of catching some details – we also engaged in the attempts of oral history, asking some of the grand-grandchildren of these emigrants about what remained in their collective memory about Morea. The findings extracted from the aforementioned sources will be accounted for below. But before, the geo-cultural scope of Morea in Turkish language should be explained, since this region does not always refer directly to the Peloponnese. In some contexts, it refers to an area with no clear-cut borders, but involving more or less common cultural characteristics. Therefore, below, firstly we will try to clarify where exactly is meant by Morea in Ottoman-Turkish language. Then, we will focus on some characteristics of this area, which differentiate here from other parts of the Aegean and as such, which form the background for cultural characteristics of the Turks of Morea. Then we will continue with the details concerning language, religion and daily life. GEO-CULTURAL SCOPE OF “MOREA” IN OTTOMAN-TURKISH MIND MAP The peninsula of Peloponnese is referred to as “Mora” in Turkish language, which is derived from Μωρέας. Due to its evident geographical characteristics, this region is frequently referred to as an island in Ottoman sources with the expressions such as “Mora adası”, “Mora ceziresi”, “cezire-i Mora”, all meaning “island of Morea”. These expressions obviously limit the geographical scope of Morea to the peninsula. However, a closer look into the use of this name throughout the Ottoman period suggests that the geographical scope of Morea differed according to context – and historical period – in which the word was used. As of 17th century for instance, the northern border of Morea was set as the castle of Megara for administrative reasons, and as such, “Vilayet of Mora” was extending somehow beyond the isthmus of Korinthos 3. On the other hand, some documents suggest that the word Morea referred to the areas that are located on the way to the peninsula, namely the areas extending from Thessaly southwards. In that sense, let alone cities such as Athens, Lamia etc. the area as north as Larissa was mentioned with reference to Morea. It was in such a context that this city, which was called Yenişehir in Ottoman documents, was occasionally referred to as Mora Yenişehri, i.e. Larissa of Morea 4. This perception suggests an understanding of Morea in a wider sense, or so to say “greater Morea”, which was definitely strengthened with the independence and enlargement of Greece throughout the nineteenth century. Accordingly, when Greece became independent, as most of its lands were limited to the peninsula of Peloponnese, the newly independent state was identified with Morea by Ottomans. In this period, it was of vital importance to distinguish between the Greek3 Evliyâ Çelebi, Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahatnâmesi (prep. S. A. Kahraman et al., ed. S. Koz), vol. 8, Yapı Kredi Yay., Istanbul, 2003, p. 125. 4 BOA, C.ML, 327/13463, dated 22.12.1810; BOA, BEO, 1552/116331, dated 19.09.1900; BOA, BEO, 1567/117451, dated 20.10.1900. 40 EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2) Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire and those of the Greek Kingdom. Thus, people originating from this area were called as “moralı”, i.e. someone who originates from Morea 5. This word corresponded both to the subjects of the Greek Kingdom and the Muslim refugees originating from the kingdom. Needless to say, this second group, members of which were also referred to as “refugees/emigrants of Morea” (Mora muhacirleri) included also people originating not only from the Peloponnese, but also from around Attica and Euboea. For instance, a certain Fatma Hanım, who is referred to as “a refugee from Morea” in a document dated 14th of April 1855, in fact was a former inhabitant of Athens, who wished to sell off her real estate there 6. In another document concerning the problems of real estate belonging to Muslim population of Euboea, Thebai, Livadhia and environs, this perception is stated more clearly. Accordingly, these areas were mentioned as part of Morea 7. In due course of time, the word “Yunan”, which in its classical meaning referred to the ancient Greece, was revived by the Ottoman officials with a modern meaning, to be used for the independent Greece. As might be guessed, by the adoption of this ancient name for the modern state, it was aimed to distinguish between the Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire and those of the Greek Kingdom. But in popular language, and to a certain extent in official use, the word “Mora” continued to correspond to the independent Greece for the rest of the 19th century, as will be seen below. As stated above, even before Greece gained its independence, the area extending as north as Larissa was referred – although somehow indirectly – as an extension of Morea. After Thessaly was handed over to Greece, this perception went on more conspicuously in popular tongue and even in official use, as reflected by some documents. For instance on a document dated 24th of September 1898 about settlement of Muslim refugees from the village of Osmanlar (Makrychori) in Thessaly to the town of Mudanya in Asia Minor, origin of the refugees is referred to as “Larissa of Morea” (Mora Yenişehri) 8. In another document of the same period concerning improvement of their social conditions, the same people are referred to directly as “Muslims of Morea” 9, thus including even the Muslims of Thessaly under the category of “moralı” (Morean). At this point, it should be also noted that, some of the Muslim inhabitants of Thessaly, settled especially around Larissa as refugees during and following the Greek Revolution were actually of Morean origin 10. To sum up, until the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913, expansion of the Greek territory enlarged the geographical scope of Morea in OttomanTurkish mind map as well. 5 Nedim İpek, İmparatorluktan Ulus Devlete Göçler, Serander, Trabzon, 2006, pp. 86-87; Ali F. Örenç, Balkanlarda ilk Dram: Unuttuğumuz Mora Türkleri ve Eyaletten Bağımsızlığa Yunanistan, Babıali Kültür Yay., Istanbul, 2009, p.178. 6 BOA, A.MKT.UM., 188/84, dated 14.04.1855. 7 BOA, HR.MKT., 263/49, dated 3.11.1858. 8 BOA, İ.MTZ.(01), 23/1104, dated 24.09.1898. 9 BOA, Y.MTV, 182/74, dated 01.10.1898. 10 Cf. BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 10/561, dated 29.12.1845; BOA, İ..MVL., 75/1457, dated 19.03.1846; BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 153/7, dated 30.06.1859. 41 İ.A. Arısoy – D. Michalopoulos EBAD/JABS Some Remarks on the Socio-Cultural Life of the Turks of Morea … Before closing this title, let us take a look at what has been left in the minds of the grandchildren of the refugees from Morea, concerning the geographical position of their area of origin. In the old generation of Morean emigrants today, whose grandgrandparents took refuge around Izmir in 1820s and 1830s, the word “Mora” still seems a bit fuzzy, without any clear-cut geographical image. There is no clear detail left from the life there either, except for vague pieces of information. Needless to say, this ambiguity has to do with the passing of generations and time. As far as the geographical position of Morea is concerned, the ambiguity has to do with the above-explained border changes. For instance, a considerable part – or probably even all – of the refugees of Morea of Sığacık-Seferihisar area of Izmir originate from Karystos of Euboea, rather than Peloponnese, but when asked, they say that they originate from Morea. In their mind map, the town of Karystos is referred to with its old Turkish name as “a village called Kızılhisar in Morea”. When talking about Morea among the grandchildren of the refugees, one of the most frequent questions one might come across is as follows: “is Morea an island?” A question, obviously with no clear-cut response. Upon our talks on their remote land of origin, our impression on what remained in their collective mind about Morea can be summarised as follows: “somewhere out there, on the other side of the sea, probably an island” 11. Before reviewing the details on social and cultural characteristics of the Turkish population of Morea, it might be enlightening to revisit some geo-historical characteristics of the peninsula and its immediate surroundings, since these characteristics seem to have a decisive impact on the human geography there. PELOPONNESE AS A MARITIME FRONTIER AREA AND THE FORMATION OF MUSLIMTURKISH COMMUNITIES Because of its obvious geographical characteristics, throughout the Ottoman period, Peloponnese had always been a frontier area, open to not only external but also internal threats and conflicts. In that sense, it was a borderland characterised by both maritime frontiers and also inland de facto frontiers, which isolated areas such as Mani. Needless to say, military conditions and security concerns formed the very characteristics of the people and settlement of this area 12. After Ottomans took control over the peninsula, there was no massive immigration of Turkish people, as elsewhere in Rumelia. However, soldiers and officials settled in Morea with their families gradually formed the nucleus of the Ottoman-Turkish community in this area 13. In Ottoman 11 These impressions originate from the talks with some people whose family origins extend to Morea. Names of the people interviewed, their age, place and date of the interview are as follows: Hasan Kozan (89), Sığacık, 26.12.2014; Hasan Şaka (90), Seferihisar, 21.02.2015, 6.10.2015; Yaşar Akkaya, Seferihisar (67), 6.10.2015; Nail Abacı (57), Seferihisar, 26.12.2014, 6.10.2015. 12 For implications of this situation in Patras, see: Ayşe Kayapınar, “Osmanlı Döneminde Mora'da Bir Sahil Şehri: Balya Badra/Patra (1460-1715)”, Cihannüma: Journal of History and Geography Studies, Vol. 1, July 2015, pp. 68, 72, 79, 91. 13 cf. Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit., pp. 72, 75, 79; for development and details of Ottoman administration in Morea see: Anastasia Kyrkini-Koutoula, I Othomaniki Dioikisi stin Ellada: I Periptosi tis Peloponnisou, Arsenidi, Athens, 1996; Levent Kayapınar, Osmanlı Klasik Dönemi Mora Tarihi, unpublished doctoral thesis, Ankara University 42 EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2) records, those who descended from the families of conquerors are referred to as the “sons of the conquerors” (evlâd-ı fâtihan) 14. Traces of this group of residents, recorded separately from others are also found in Peloponnese. For instance, according to a record, soldiers responsible for the defence of Nauplion (Anabolu) and Palamidi (Palamuta) castles were of this group 15. The relevant record is about their daily allowance. It seems that these people, accompanied by other state officials, members of ulema (scholars of madrasas, cadis, muftis etc.) and members of Sufi dervish orders formed the basis of Ottoman-Turkish element in Morea, initially gathered around military settlements, fortifications, harbours etc. This element seems to have increased in number and penetrated into remote parts of peninsula, mostly by means of conversion 16 and marriages 17. The process of conversion, which was also referred to as “turning Turk” seems to have taken place gradually 18. By the mid-17th century, percentage of Muslim element had exceeded one fourth of the total population 19. During the Venetian occupation, most of this element left the peninsula 20. It is also understood that during this period, some Muslims of Morea had to convert to Christianity or they had to feign so 21. From the land survey and registration record (tahrir) dating from a few years after Ottomans regained control of the area (around 1718-1719), some inhabitants of Mystra (Mizistre), Nauplion (Anabolu) and Tripolis (Tripoliçe, Tripolitza) were recorded separately along with other confessional groups as “mürted”, which means one who abandoned Islam and converted to another religion 22. As the Ottomans regained control of Morea, refugees that left the area during the Venetian occupation were planned to be resettled to their lands immediately, as mentioned on a document of the year 1715 23. However, percentage of Muslim Institute of Social Sciencesi, Ankara, 1999; Levent Kayapınar, “Mora’da Tourkokratia’nın Tesisi”, XIV. Uluslararası Türk Tarih Kongresi, Ankara, 9-13 September 2002. Ankara, 2005, vol 2, pp. 3-21. 14 Tayyip Gökbilgin, Rumeli’de Yürükler, Tatarlar ve Evlâd-ı Fâtihân, İ.Ü. Edebiyat Fakültesi, Osman Yalçın Matbaası, Istanbul, 1957, pp. 255-256. 15 BOA, D.HSK.d., 25858. 16 Levent Kayapınar, “The Ottoman Conquest of the Morea”, Mésogeios, 17-18 (2002), pp. 14-15; Levent Kayapınar, “Osmanlı Arşiv Kaynaklarına göre Dimitsana’nın Demografik Yapısı”, 1st Pan-Arcadian Web Conference, Athens, June 2006, p. 14, http://conference.arcadians.gr/media/L.Kayapinar-Dimitsana.pdf , retrieved: 20.10.2015; cf. Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 154; for some details of conversion process in Patras see: Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit., pp. 76, 80. 17 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 126. 18 The process of conversion to Islam, which was not rare all over the Ottoman Empire, is still discussed in terms of motives, underlying socio-economic factors etc. The motives and social, economic and even political background seems to differ from period to period and from region to region. The patterns of conversion in Morea seem to be similar to what was experienced in Crete or other Aegean islands (cf. Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 174; vol. 9, p. 133). 19 Machiel Kiel, John Alexander, “Mora”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, vol. 30, p. 283, 20 For relevant details in the case of Patras see: Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit., pp. 83, 85-87, 91. 21 Kiel, Alexander, op.cit., p. 283. 22 BOA, MAD.d., 4079. 23 BOA, İE.AS., 63/5687, dated 23.12.1715. 43 İ.A. Arısoy – D. Michalopoulos EBAD/JABS Some Remarks on the Socio-Cultural Life of the Turks of Morea … population never reached its previous level. As of 1805, it was around 12 percent of the total population 24. SOCIAL CONDITIONS As stated above, it is quite difficult to give an overall and detailed picture of social and cultural life of the Muslim inhabitants of Morea, not only due to lack of sufficient sources, but also because of the fact that this community was not a homogenous one, having differing characteristics depending on geographical position, economic activities, lifestyle etc. Actually publications concerning these details are quite scarce as well. With the exception of a detailed account of the dramatic side of the Greek Revolution for Turkish inhabitants of Peloponnese 25, some studies concerning local details of the Ottoman period 26 and local accounts of family histories 27, literature in this field seems to be quite silent. Most of the details we reached originate from accounts of travellers’ logs and secondary sources that include details relevant to our quest. Although quite indirectly, some archive documents also contain useful details. Under this title, we will mostly make use of this latter group of sources. In the Ottoman Archive documents, people originating from Morea are referred to either as Moralı in plain Turkish, or more officially as Moravî. If the document refers to a family name or family affiliation, the words Moralızâde or Moravîzâde are also used, both of which literally mean “son of the one who originates from Morea”. Another epithet used in the same context is the Arabic “Moraviyyülasl”, which literally means “originally of Morea”. Of these, “Moralı” is still in use in modern Turkish, both as an adjective indicating geographic origin and a surname. Although less frequent, there are also some names referring to a specific geographical area or a sort of geo-ethnic origin such as Lalo, Lalot or Lalotzâde, which refer to the Albanian Muslims of the area around Lalas. Sometimes Albanian ethnic origin is directly inferred from family names such as Arnavudzâde or Arnavudoğlu, i.e. son of an Albanian, as in the cases of Arnavudzâde Ahmed Ağa 28 or Arnavudoğlu Halil Feyzi Bey 29, who are referred to as refugees from Kiel, Alexander, op.cit., p. 284. Örenç, op.cit. 26 Kayapınar, L (2002); Kayapınar, L (2006); Fariba Zarinebaf et.al., A Historical and Economic Geography of Ottoman Greece, The Southwestern Morea in the 18th Century, The American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, 2005; Kayapınar (Ayşe), op. cit.; Levent Kayapınar, “Osmanlı Kaynaklarına göre Leondar ve Karitena’nın Demografik ve İdari Yapısı”, Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies, Vol. 1/Issue 1 (2015), pp. 115136. 27 Ali Ergül, “Mora Tarihi ve Moralı Kuşadalılar”, Kuşadası Yerel Tarih, no. 7, August 2009, pp. 7-8; Ali Ergül, “Benefşe (Menekşe) Monemvassia”, Kuşadası Yerel Tarih, no. 7, August 2009, p. 8; Ülker Özemrah, “Paşozadeler Ahmet Şükrü Ege ve Şaheste Bilgin Aile Tarihi”, Kuşadası Yerel Tarih, no. 7, August 2009, pp. 912. 28 BOA, A.MKT.NZD., 205/93, dated 21.12.1856. 29 BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 111/393, dated 30.07.1859; cf. also William M. Leake, Travels in the Morea, vol. 2, London, 1830, p. 94. 24 25 44 EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2) Morea 30. At this point, it should be also noted that Lalots – or Lalliotes, as referred to by foreign travellers 31, were also a specific group of Morean refugees with distinct rural lifestyle. Even when they were living in Morea, inhabitants of the “village of Lala (Lalas) of the kaza of Gaston (Gastouni)” were referred to as difficult to cope with, refusing to give taxes and engaging in brigandage 32. Therefore, it was especially difficult for these people to settle in a new area and adapt themselves to the new conditions there. After they left Morea, firstly they were settled in Karaferye (Veroia), where they could not get on well with the local people 33. Upon complaints, they were decided to be sent to Varna and divided into groups of twenty-thirty families, in order to facilitate their integration 34. As of 1835, these groups of families had arrived to Varna 35 and settled around Pazarcık (Pazardžik), Filibe (Plovdiv) and Edirne 36. Most of the documents bearing the aforementioned names indicating Morea as an area of origin date from the decades following the Greek Revolution, period in which Muslim refugees of Morea had spread all over the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, although they might not date from the period in which the people in question lived in Morea, they indirectly give details on their social structure. People who emigrated from this area were settled mostly in the Vilayet of Aydın, which presently corresponds to the modern provinces of Izmir, Aydın, Manisa, Muğla and Denizli. But according to archive documents, the geographical extent of their settlement was much wider, including all of the major cities of the Ottoman Empire such as Istanbul, Thessaloniki (Selânik), Bitola (Manastır), Edirne 37, Plovdiv (Filibe) 38, Bursa 39, Ioannina (Yanya) 40, and some more remote towns such as Alexandria 41, Trabzon 42, Antalya 43, Burdur 44, Uşak 45, Sivas 46, Nicosia 47, Preveza 48 etc. Their differing social conditions reflect the variety of social As elsewhere in Rumelia, because of – and according to – their religious affiliation, Muslim Albanians were occasionally referred to as “Turkish-Albanians” (Türk-Arnavut, Τουρκαλβανοί) while Orthodox ones were referred to as “Greek-Albanians” (Rum-Arnavut, Ελληνες-Αρβανίτες). 31 Cf. William Gell, Narrative of a Journey in the Morea, London, 1823, pp. 80, 117, 349, 351. 32 BOA, C.DH., 125/6232, dated 12.11.1795; BOA, C.DH., 27/1330, 2.10.1799; BOA, C.ZB., 9/424, dated 4.11.1799; practice of plundering by the people of this area is also mentioned by some foreign travellers, cf. for instance: Gell, p. 351. 33 BOA, HAT, 855/38223, dated 28.06.1832; BOA, HAT, 855/38223, dated 2.07.1832; BOA, HAT, 855/38223, dated 19.05.1833. 34 BOA, HAT, 855/38223, dated 12.07.1832. 35 BOA, C.DH., 264/13168, dated 4.06.1835. 36 BOA, HAT, 1322/51641, dated 22.10.1836. 37 BOA, MVL, 344/51, dated 19.03.1855. 38 BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 26/495, dated 5.11.1850. 39 BOA, DH.MKT., 1594/4, dated 13.02.1889. 40 BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 3/174, dated 15.03.1839; BOA, İ.MVL., 289/11527, dated 13.11.1853. 41 BOA, HR.MKT., 49/59, dated 23.09.1852. 42 BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 162/495, dated 31.10.1883. 43 BOA, ŞD, 1721/22, dated 14.12.1899; BOA, ŞD, 1734/4, dated 14.12.1899. 44 BOA, A.MKT.DV., 95/38, dated 21.07.1856. 45 BOA, DH.MKT., 1533/62, dated 15.08.1888. 46 BOA, A.DVN., 91/78, dated 3.09.1853. 47 Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü, Osmanlı İdaresinde Kıbrıs, Ankara, 2000, p. 24. 48 BOA, A.MKT.MVL., 94/89, dated 18.01.1858. 30 45 İ.A. Arısoy – D. Michalopoulos EBAD/JABS Some Remarks on the Socio-Cultural Life of the Turks of Morea … segments. Accordingly, some of the refugees were able to keep their social status as merchants and landowners, as was the case of certain Celal Bey of Morea, who was having a waterside residence built on the shores of Bosphorus in 1850s 49. But at the same time most refugees were in need of social help and protection. They were provided housing and monthly refugee allowance by the central administration. For instance, a group of Morean refugees were provided housing in and around Istanbul, some of whom were given financial assistance to pay for their rents 50. It seems that this practice of social help went on for decades, and refugee status was recognised as a basis for asking help from state authorities 51. According to a document dated 13th of February 1889, “Nakıyye Hanım, who was one of the old refugees of Morea was entitled a salary” 52. Another document is about the increase in Morean refugee Dervişe Hanım’s monthly allowance 53. Likewise, according to a series of documents from the last decade of 19th century, Lalotzâde Hayrullah Efendi of Morea, son of Abbas Lalot asked the state authorities for a job because of his difficult economic condition 54. It seems that his request was accepted, he was not only paid 1000 piasters from Sultan’s treasury, but he was also appointed policeman 55. Thus, documents with similar contents suggest that refugees of Morea formed a quite heterogeneous social group. To a certain extent, this reflects the heterogeneity of their social and economic conditions in their land of origin. Their professions also give an idea about their social diversity. Except from common occupations such as officers, state officials, teachers, scholars, farmers, we come across a wide range of professions including landowners 56, grocers 57 barbers 58, merchants 59, sheikhs 60, surgeons 61 etc. CULTURAL CHARACTERISTICS Cultural characteristics of the Ottoman-Turkish inhabitants of Morea will be reviewed under three categories. As the most important element of culture, firstly details about language will be explained, along with a brief account of literary activities. Secondly, details on religious life will be reviewed and under the last section, certain details on daily life will be given. BOA, İ.MVL., 315/13224, dated 22.09.1854. BOA, D.BŞM.d, 9720. 51 BOA, A.MKT.NZD., 182/50, dated 17.04.1856; BOA, MVL, 176/26, dated 27.11.1856; BOA, A.MKT.NZD., 203/50, dated 4.12.1856. 52 BOA, DH.MKT., 1594/4, dated 13.02.1889. 53 BOA, BEO, 1098/82312, dated 5.04.1898. 54 BOA, DH.MKT., 1623/120, dated 19.05.1889. 55 BOA, DH.MKT., 1907/72, dated 5.01.1892; BOA, DH.MKT., 1938/71, dated 1.04.1892. 56 BOA, MVL, 344/51, dated 19.03.1855; BOA, BEO, 381/28556, dated 10.04.1894. 57 BOA, BEO, 287/21479, dated 4.10.1893. 58 BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 8/91, dated 31.08.1856. 59 BOA, A.MKT.UM., 18/70, dated 16.06.1850; BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 26/495, dated 5.11.1850; BOA, HR.MKT., 49/59, dated 23.09.1852; BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 83/207, dated 22.09.1854; BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 153/7, dated 30.07.1859. 60 BOA, BEO, 787/58971, dated 1.06.1896. 61 BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 5/625, dated 26.11.1848; BOA, DH.SAİD.d., 49/459, dated 5.11.1850. 49 50 46 EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2) LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE It is clear that besides Turkish and Albanian, the predominant language in Peloponnese throughout the Ottoman period was Greek. It was the native tongue of not only most of the local Christians but also majority of the Muslim inhabitants of Morea, especially those who lived in rural areas. This assertion is confirmed both by historical sources 62 and by the descendants of Morean refugees living around Izmir 63. The obvious reasons of this phenomenon were partly explained above as mixed marriages and conversions. In addition to these practices however, constant interaction and trade relations with Greeks 64 seems to have made the Greek language adopted by Turkish people. As we learn from Evliyâ Çelebi, while in some military settlements such as Chlemoutsi (Holumiç) 65 Muslims were living isolated within the castle, in quite a few settlements such as Korinthos (Gördüs) 66, Leontari (Leondar, Londar) 67 and Mistra (Mizistre) 68, inner parts of the castle were inhabited together by both people. Such was also the case of Patras throughout the Ottoman period 69. In consequence of this interaction, not only Turkish people adopted Greek, but also colloquial Turkish spoken in various parts of Morea underwent a transformation. This transformation seems to have four main aspects. In the first place, Greek accent and pronunciation influenced Turkish. A conspicuous sign of this impact is the frequent use of “ς” instead of “ş” 70. Secondly, Turkish spoken in Morea had an increased amount of loanwords from Greek, such as kakomir (κακομοίρης), kökülü/küküli (κουκούλι) 71, kalımbok (καλαμπόκι) 72, istafidiye (σταφίδα) 73 etc., so as to require a translator for anyone not familiar with this variant of the language 74. It is also interesting to observe that loanwords included not only generic names, but also essential elements of the language such as personal pronouns, as will be seen in one of the examples below. The third aspect concerning the impact of Greek in local Turkish is the convergence of syntax. In the example sentences given by Evliyâ Çelebi, it is observed that the Greek syntax was adopted by speakers of Turkish 75. Lastly, it also draws attention that in interrogative Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, pp. 127, 137, 155. Cf. Ali Ergül, “Mora Tarihi ve Moralı Kuşadalılar”, op. cit., p. 8. 64 Cf. Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, pp. 127, 155. 65 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 134. 66 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 126. 67 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 153. 68 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 155. 69 Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit., pp. 76-79, 81-84, 92. 70 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 127. 71 Ibid. 72 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, pp. 127-128. 73 Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit., p. 90. 74 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 128. 75 Actually, given the fact that syntactic convergence is a common phenomenon for all of the Balkan languages, regardless of their language family, this resemblance in syntax should involve not only Greek but also Albanian (for details see Brian D. Joseph, “Is Balkan Comparative Syntax Possible?”, in M. L. Rivero, A. Ralli (eds.), Comparative Syntax of Balkan Languages, Oxford Univ. Press, Oxford 2001, pp. 17-43). 62 63 47 İ.A. Arısoy – D. Michalopoulos EBAD/JABS Some Remarks on the Socio-Cultural Life of the Turks of Morea … questions, the relevant particle is omitted and the sense of interrogation was rendered through intonation, as in Greek language and Cypriot Turkish. We will share two of the example sentences recorded by Evliyâ Çelebi in Korinthos during the mid-17th century, where all the population was speaking Greek, Albanian and a local variant of Turkish 76. In order to facilitate comparison, besides the original record in local Turkish, we give Greek and English translations: Ya bire esi bırakmışsın sirkecik çorbaya? Ἂ βρ’ἐσύ, ἔβαλες ξυδάκι στὴ σούπα ; Have you put a little vinegar to the soup? Ekmeğim yokdur, işde şimdi yeyesin kalımbok. Δεν έχω ψωμί, να Ψωμὶ δὲν ἔχω, τώρα να φάς καλαμπόκι. I don’t have bread, so now do eat corn. In the Turkish sentences above, there are just two loanwords from Greek, namely εσύ as personal pronoun and καλαμπόκι, but in terms of syntax, both sentences reflect the impact of Greek language on the colloquial Turkish. Similarly in Athens, where sociocultural conditions were not much different from those in Peloponnese, it is recorded by Spon and Wheler, who visited the city in around 1675, that “Turks call a fountain in general vrysis, which also means a source in ancient Greek” 77. Needless to say, linguistic influence was not one-sided; and constant interaction between languages gave rise to some hybrid words. Details given again by Spon and Wheler are quite exemplary of this process. While referring to a specific group of soldiers responsible for guarding the castle of Athens, they record that “the name given to these soldiers is neferides or isarlides in Turkish and castriani in Greek” 78. Obviously the first two words referred to as “Turkish”, are in fact words essentially of Arabic origin but adapted to the local tongue with grammatical elements from both Turkish and Greek. Thus, the word “nefer”, meaning a private soldier is made plural according to the rules of the Greek grammar. Likewise “hisarlı”, which is derived from hisar (castle, fortification) and which refers to the guards of the fort was rendered “isarli” in line with local pronunciation, and pluralised according to the Greek grammar. As stated occasionally above, like the rest of the people of Morea, Muslims living in this area were also familiar with the Albanian language 79. Another language with which the people of Morea became gradually familiar during the second half of the 18th century was French. During this period, especially in coastal areas, French seems to have replaced Italian as foreign language 80. Knowledge of French then was very rare among Muslims and it seems that its increasing importance put some people originating from Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 127. Jacob Spon, George Wheler, Voyage d’Italie de Dalmatie, de Grèce, et du Levant, vol. 2, Amsterdam 1679, p. 131. 78 Spon, Wheler, op. cit. p. 101. 79 For details of Albanian-speaking settlements in Morea during the Ottoman period, see Kayapınar, L (2002), pp. 13-14; cf. Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit. p. 75; Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 170. 80 Kemal Beydilli, “Seyyid Ali Efendi”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, vol. 37, p. 45. 76 77 48 EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2) Morea in an advantageous position. Such was the case of Moralı Seyyid Ali Efendi, Ottoman statesman and the first permanent ambassador of Ottoman Empire to Paris. Accordingly, when he arrived in Istanbul around the 1770s at the age of 13-14, he was fluent in Greek and had also some basic knowledge of French, which played a crucial role in his career as a diplomat 81. Similar was the case of Yusuf Agâh Efendi, son of the renowned Süleyman Penâh Efendi of Tripolis, who was the first permanent ambassador of the Sublime Porte at London between the years 1792-1799 82. Despite the relatively limited spread of Turkish language, Morea had also modest but significant contributions to the Ottoman literature, especially in field of classical poetry. Among these, Firdevsî of Mistra (Mezistreli), who lived in Kyparissia (Arkadya) and Kıyâmî of Coron draw attention as the poets of 16th century 83. Firdevsî, who served as cadi in Mistra during the reign of Suleiman the Magnificent, was also known as Firdevsî Çelebi 84. In the following century, Hüseyin of Korinthos (Gördüslü Şair Hüseyin) and the Sufi Sheikh Hasan Sezâî are recorded as remarkable poets originating from Morea 85. From the last phase of the Ottoman period, names of Abdurrahman Sami Pasha of Tripolis 86 and Mehmed Emin Sabri Efendi of Nauplion stand out among the masters of poetry. It is recorded that the latter had written poems not only in Turkish and Persian, but also in Greek 87. From this period, Süleyman Penâh Efendi is also recorded among poets, although he is known rather as an intellectual and historian 88. Another famous poet of Morean origin was Leylâ Hanım, whose date of deceit is recorded as 1847 89. She was known with her lyric poems of love accompanied with motives of Sufism, as she was affiliated to the Mevlevi order 90. 81 Ibid; In any case, it seems that his knowledge of French was not sufficient to conduct an effective diplomacy during his office in Paris (Hadiye Tuncer, Hüner Tuncer, Osmanlı Diplomasisi ve Sefaretnameler, Ümit Yay., Ankara, 1998, pp. 26-27, 29). 82 Mehmed Süreyya, Sicill-i Osmanî (Ed.: Nuri Akbayar, transcription: S. Ali Kahraman), Vol. 5, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yay., Istanbul 1996, p. 1685. 83 Kiel, Alexander, op. cit. p. 284. 84 Mehmed Süreyya, Sicill-i Osmanî (Ed.: Nuri Akbayar, transcription: S. Ali Kahraman), Vol. 2, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yay., Istanbul 1996, p. 537. 85 Ibid.; for Sheikh Hasan Sezâî, see: Himmet Konur, “Sezâî-yi Gülşenî”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, vol. 37, pp. 7981. 86 Bursalı Mehmed Tahir Bey, Osmanlı Müellifleri (Eds.: A. F. Yavuz, İ. Özen), vol. 2, Meral Yay., Istanbul, 1972, p. 361. 87 Kiel, Alexander, op. cit. p. 284. 88 Mehmed Süreyya, op.cit., pp. 1550-1551; cf. also: Bilge Kaya Yiğit, “Süleyman Penâhî’nin Nasihatnamesi”, Gazi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, vol. 2, No. 3, 2015, pp. 105-133; about works and thoughts of Süleyman Penâh Efendi see: Aziz Berker, “Mora İhtilâli Tarihçesi veya Penah Efendi Mecmuası”, Tarih Vesikaları, II, 1942-1943, pp. 63-80, 153-160, 228-240, 309-320, 385-400, 473-480; Yavuz Cezar, “Osmanlı Aydını Süleyman Penah Efendi'nin Sosyal, Ekonomik ve Mali Konulardaki Görüşleri”, Toplum ve Bilim, vol. 42, 1988, pp. 111-132; Neoklis Sarris, Apo to Cheirografo tou Souleïman Penach Efendi tou Moraïti, Irodotos, Athens, 2005; Machi Païzi Apostolopoulou, “Anthimos Olympiotis. O Synomilitis tou Souleïman Penach Efendi (1778)”, O Eranistis, vol. 26 (2007), pp. 281-286. 89 İsmail Ünver, “Leylâ Hanım”, TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, vol. 27, p. 157. 90 Ünver, op.cit.; Kiel, Alexander, op. cit., p. 284. 49 İ.A. Arısoy – D. Michalopoulos EBAD/JABS Some Remarks on the Socio-Cultural Life of the Turks of Morea … RELIGIOUS LIFE In Morea, as elsewhere in the Ottoman Empire, Islam seems to have asserted itself firstly through educational institutions such as madrasas, primary and secondary schools located around the mosques in urban areas, and sustained by pious foundations (vakıf) 91. Another group of institutions, through which Islamic practices penetrated to inner parts of the peninsula were represented by Sufi orders. Local centres of these orders, i.e. tekkes were found virtually in all of the towns of the Ottoman Empire. Their intensity was so high that, one might even say that there was on average one tekke per each district (mahala, mahalle) inhabited by Muslims. In fact, Ottoman elites regarded these institutions as a sort of social need for all villages and towns 92. The same seems to apply to the case of Morea. According to Evliyâ Çelebi’s account, almost all of the Muslim settlements had tekkes, but he especially emphasises a few among them, mentioning also their affiliations in the Sufi tradition of Islam. The first one among them is the Tekke of Ali Baba in the vicinity of Vostitza (Vostiçse, Vostiça), which belonged to the Bektaşi order 93. The tekke was built on the seaside, westward to the present-day Aigio. The area where tekke was located is referred to as an excursion and picnic spot by Evliyâ Çelebi. In the tekke complex, there was also the shrine of Ali Baba, who most probably was the founder of the tekke. Around the same place in the next century, we come across the name of another tekke belonging to the Halvetî order, which might have also replaced the one referred to by Evliyâ Çelebi. According to the relevant documents, Sheikh Ali Efendi had a new tekke built here, for the Halvetî order around 1730 94. This tekke was active up until the end of the Ottoman rule in the area 95. Another tekke complex referred to by Evliyâ Çelebi along with the name of the order is the one located in the town of Gastouni (Gaston), which belonged to the Kadirî order 96. As one of the four tekkes located in the town, this was the most prosperous and active one. It had more than one hundred dervishes, referred to by Çelebi as “loyal lovers (of God, âşık-ı sâdık)” 97. The tekke complex included an excellent rose garden and a graveyard with the tombs of the former sheikhs. The most prominent one among them was the tomb of Sheikh Alî, probably the founder of the tekke. He was known by the local people as “Delikli Baba” 98. Another local saint with the same name of “Delikli Baba” is also mentioned by William M. Leake in Navarin 99. Evliyâ Çelebi also mentions the order of one of the other tekkes in Gastouni, as Halvetî. According to his account, these For a detailed account of this process in Patras see: Kayapınar (Ayşe), op.cit. pp. 76-80, 83-87. Adalet B. Alada, Osmanlı Şehrinde Mahalle, Sümer Kitabevi, Istanbul, 2008, p. 91. 93 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 129. 94 BOA, C.EV., 309/15711, dated 20.06.1730. 95 BOA, AE.SMHD.I., 94/6503, dated 13.12.1754; BOA, C.EV., 469/23724, dated 18.04.1758; BOA, C.EV., 58/2871, dated 13.06.1794; BOA, C.EV., 152/7574, dated 14.01.1795; BOA, HAT, 1318/51380, dated 07.10.1820. 96 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, 137-138. 97 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, 137. 98 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, 138. 99 William M. Leake, Travels in the Morea, vol. 1, London 1830, p. 400; according to Leake, tomb of Delikli Baba was located on top of the rock off the southern tip of Sphacteria. Obviously the arch-like opening on this rocky island is related to the epithet of this local saint, as “delikli” means holey or hollow in Turkish. 91 92 50 EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2) institutions had a central role in the religious life of the Muslim inhabitants of the area, all of whom were attached to a Sufi order 100. It is also recorded that the Gülşeniyye branch of the Halvetî order owned a tekke in Korinthos as of the 17th century. The Sufi school practiced here by Hasan Sezâî-yi Gülşenî, who is also referred to as poet above, was later on named after him as “Sezâiyye” 101. Another order mentioned in one archive document is the Nakshî. According to the document dated from the beginning of 19th century, this order owned a tekke in Tripolis, which was then the administrative centre of Morea 102. During the period following the Venetian occupation, Morea witnessed a mobilisation of public works and construction of schools, trade centres, covered bazaars etc 103. The period that corresponds roughly to the last century of the Ottoman rule in the area was also marked by the revival of religious institutions and cultural life in major cities. Most of the large mosques built in Morea date from this period, during which reconstruction activities involved new madrasas, libraries and a training centre for calligraphy as well 104. In the revival of religious life, Sufi groups also played leading roles. Immediately after the end of the Venetian occupation, dervishes of Halvetî order led by Sheikh Yahyâ Şerafeddin Moravî, opened tekkes in Nauplion, Kalavryta, Patras, Gastouni, Tripolis and Vostitza 105. During this period, the primary goal of the dervishes was to re-convert those who left Islam during the Venetian occupation 106. As the above-stated details on tekkes suggest, although we do not have the names and affiliations of all the tekkes in Morea, the name of the Halvetî order appears more frequent in the sources. Actually, throughout the 18th century, this order and especially its Mısriyye branch was quite popular around the Aegean, founded by the followers of Niyazi-i Mısrî, who passed away in exile in Limnos in 1693. His followers concentrated especially around Peloponnese, Attica and Euboea 107. This branch of Halvetî order owned a tekke in Athens, which was referred to as Çadır Tekkesi 108. Following the Greek Revolution, dervishes originating from Boudunitza, Euboea (Eğriboz), Thebai (İstefe), Athens, Tripolis and Vostitza moved their tekkes to Izmir, Bursa and Thessaloniki 109. In Izmir and Bursa, two of these tekkes were referred to as “Moralı Tekkesi”. The one in Bursa also bore the epithet of “Atinalı” (Athenian). The full name of this tekke was “Moralı Sheikh Ali Rıza Dergâhı”, which indicates the name of its founder. According to the relevant records, Sheikh Ali Rıza was of Athenian origin, grandfather of Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, 137. For details see: Konur, op.cit. 102 BOA, C.EV., 182/9052, dated 18.03.1800. 103 Kiel, Alexander, op. cit., 284. 104 Ibid. 105 Ibid. 106 Ibid. 107 Mustafa Tatcı, Mevlüt Çam, Arşiv Belgelerine göre Niyâzî-i Mısrî ve Dergâhları, TİKA, Ankara, 2015, pp. 6166. 108 Tatcı, Çam, op. cit., p. 61. 109 Tatcı, Çam, op. cit. pp. 60-67. 100 101 51 İ.A. Arısoy – D. Michalopoulos EBAD/JABS Some Remarks on the Socio-Cultural Life of the Turks of Morea … whom was once the Mufti of Athens 110. In Izmir, there was another tekke related to Morea, frequented by the members of Rufai order. As we understand from a record concerning its renewal in the late 19 th century, the founder of this tekke was Sheikh Moralı Mustafa Efendi 111. It seems that these tekkes were quite active up until the first decades of the 20th century 112. In an archive document on the appointment of a Sheikh for a tekke located in Pravuşta (or Pravişte, present-day Eleftheroupolis in the vicinity of Kavala), we follow the trace of another tekke with the epithet of “Moralı”. Accrodingly, the founder of the tekke was Sheikh Mustafa Efendi of Morea 113. Another aspect of religious – or rather spiritual – life was the popular practice of visiting tombs of local saints, martyrs and dervishes, dispersed almost all around Morea. Some of these local saints were revered both by Muslims and Christians. This practice transformed some religious sites as points of contact between them. Thus, as elsewhere in the Ottoman Empire, syncretic practices concerning religious sites, shrines etc. were found in Morea as well. This situation seems to be both the reason and consequence of social interaction and conversions. Evliyâ Çelebi refers to a local saint of Patras in this context. Accordingly, tomb of Sarı Sıddîk Baba, who in popular belief was also identified with the legendary figure of Sarı Saltık was visited by Christians as well. According to Christians, he was Hagios Nikolaos, who in turn was traditionally identified with Sarı Saltık in Ottoman Balkans. In fact, this practice was frowned upon by the local authorities, but it was impossible to prevent, as Çelebi writes 114. A similar case was that of the shrine of “Yovani Baba”, again located in Patras. As Çelebi writes, according to the Christians of town, this site of religious visit belonged to one of the disciples of Jesus Christ, i.e. St. John the Baptist (Hagios Ioannis Prodromos), who was visited and revered also by local Muslims as Yovani Baba 115. From the above-stated account on religious life of the Muslims of Morea, one can draw a conclusion that due to the fact that Islam spread here gradually, attachment to religious practices differed from region to region. In terms of religious identity and observing of religious practices, especially rural areas were differing from urban settings. Although we have not come across any direct reference to this issue in Ottoman-Turkish sources, accounts of some foreign travellers and local sources confirm this assertion, according to which Muslim inhabitants of some regions were marked by loose religious identity 116. This was especially the case around the aforementioned Lalas area and Vardounia 117. The latter, referred to as Bardonya or Bardunya in Ottoman sources 118 Tatcı, Çam, op. cit. pp. 60, 151-153. BOA, DH.MKT. 1922/77, dated 15.02.1892. 112 Şeyh Mehmed Şemseddin Mısrî, Niyazî-i Mısrî’nin izinde bir Ömür Seyahat, Dildâr-ı Şemsî, (prep. M. Kara, Y. Kabakçı), Dergâh yay. Istanbul, 2010, pp. 59, 88. 113 BOA, C.EV. 478/24194, dated 22.08.1833. 114 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 132. 115 Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 133. 116 Stavros Kapetanakis, I Mani sti Defteri Tourkokratia (1715-1821), Ekd. Adouloti Mani, Areopoli-Mani, 2011, p. 69; Gell, op. cit., pp. 117-118, 349. 117 Gell, op. cit., pp. 117-118, 349. 118 cf. BOA HAT 281/16651, dated 14.01.1812. 110 111 52 EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2) was a mountainous area located in Lakonia. According to local sources, Muslim inhabitants of this area, referred to as “Turkish-Vardounians” (Τουρκοβαρδουνιώτες) were of “Turkish-Albanian” (Τουρκαλβανοί) origin 119. They were settled here by the Ottoman authorities after 1715, in order to counterbalance the rebellious activities in the neighbouring area of Mani, as they were good at using weapons 120. However, administrative and religious institutions did not reach their villages, where they led an isolated and autonomous life, occasionally causing trouble for the Ottoman administration as well 121. Their village communities were organised under the leadership of an “aga” 122, who was responsible for both administration and security of the village 123. DETAILS ON DAILY LIFE It would be misleading to think that we can conceive and reflect all the aspects of daily life of the Turks of Morea. Population was characterised by social and cultural variety, as explained above. But still, there are a few details which give an idea about the overall picture. Among these, common characteristics of daily urban culture that are frequently observed elsewhere in the Ottoman Empire, such as visiting baths, coffee shops, certain leisure activities etc. will be omitted here. Under this title, we will rather focus on some distinctive characteristics of the Turks of Morea. Muslim inhabitants of Morea could be divided roughly into two groups as rural and urban communities, but it is obvious that there were various social segments within these groups as well. Rural communities were differing from each other, depending on whether they lived on the highlands or in the valleys, on the coastline etc. For instance, above-stated details on the lifestyle of the Muslim inhabitants of Lalas and Vardounia areas give an idea on the extent, to which rural communities differed from each other. Urban population was also made up of various segments, including state officials, soldiers, merchants, landowners etc. The pieces of information we will share below involve clothing, furnishing and dining practices, as well as local cuisine. About details of clothing, the most informative Ottoman source seems to be the records of Evliyâ Çelebi, who accounts for the relevant details with regard to various parts of the peninsula. Several points draw attention in his observations. Firstly, while giving details on clothing, he does not seem to distinguish much between religious groups. This is neither surprising, nor would it be misleading to assume that there was no big difference between the garments of Greeks and Turks 124. Secondly, details he Kapetanakis, op.cit. pp. 67-68. Ibid. 121 Kapetanakis, op.cit., p. 69. 122 As was the case with the “captains” of Mani, residence of the aga was in the form of a tower, reflecting the feudal and conflictual character of the area. These local leaders bore the epithet of Vardounias like a surname, e.g.: Musa Agas Vardounias etc. (Kapetanakis, op.cit., pp. 68-69) 123 Kapetanakis, op.cit., pp. 67-69. 124 It seems that the same applies to other islands. In Lesbos for instance, traditional local garments did not differ between religious groups, except for some details such as the colour of the sash worn around the waist (Mısrî, op.cit., p. 107). 119 120 53 İ.A. Arısoy – D. Michalopoulos EBAD/JABS Some Remarks on the Socio-Cultural Life of the Turks of Morea … gives from all over the peninsula are quite similar to each other. Accordingly, female garments are not different from the local traditional garments of Peloponnese, as we know now. His account of male garments from different parts of the peninsula somehow recalls the local costumes, which are known as typical of Mani area and the islands of the Archipelago today. As far as male garments are concerned, in almost all cases he emphasises the use of short and tight baggy trousers, as well as red fez 125. Thirdly, while describing the male garments, he always refers to Algeria, with where Peloponnese had close maritime trade relations in that period 126. As for the influence of Western culture on Turkish inhabitants of Morea, a series of details on daily life recorded by Robert Walpole give interesting details. Accordingly, as early as the first decades of the 19th century and some twenty years before the Tanzimat reforms, which officially marked the beginning of the Westernisation in the Ottoman Empire, European style furniture and dining practices had already reached the coastal towns of Morea. According to Walpole’s account, these were adopted by upper segments of Turkish society, as in the case of the Bey of Coron. Beside relevant details, his account gives an idea on his perception of the Bey as well: We had been warmly recommended to the Bey, who received us on the beach in an elegant kiosk built in the Chinese fashion. The Bey himself was learned for a Turk; he had some knowledge of Astronomy, Mathematics, and Architecture: his brother was Disdar or commander of the castle. The kiosk was at our disposal, and the Bey had provided for us an elegant supper. It was served in the European manner, with tables, chairs, and Staffordshire ware, luxuries we had not seen before in a Turkish house. The waves beat gently along the walls of our kiosk, and brought on a soft and comfortable repose 127. Obviously, what Walpole refers to as “Chinese fashion” should be a typical Ottoman dwelling, upper floors of which were built in the so called bağdadî style, i.e. lath and plaster. Probably this residence was one of those depicted in the figure 1, an engraving of Coron, which more or less dates from the same period. Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, pp. 128, 142, 149, 162. Evliyâ Çelebi especially emphasises the trade relations of Navarin with Tunis, Tripoli and Algeria (Evliyâ Çelebi, op.cit, p. 142). 127 Robert Walpole, Travels in Various Countries of the East, London, 1820, p. 92. 125 126 54 EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2) Fig. 1: Town of Coron in the beginning of the 19th century (Castellan, pp. 16-17). Another detail on the daily life of Morea during the Ottoman period is about the local cuisine. Thanks to an Ottoman manuscript from 18th century, a dish called “marmarine” has been recorded as a speciality of Morea. Contents of the manuscript were published with Latin characters by Prof. Süheyl Ünver in 1948, founder and then head of the Institute of Medical History of Istanbul University 128. According to this record, marmarine, which is referred to as “one of the dishes of the island of Morea” is prepared as follows 129: a few very thin sheets of pastry are spread out on a cooking tray, slightly oiled beforehand. Pieces of boiled spinach are put over the sheets of pastry, over which a mixture of a few whipped eggs and fresh cheese is spread. Then the marmarine is baked in the oven. 128 129 A. Süheyl Ünver, Tarihte 50 Türk Yemeği, İ.Ü. Tıp Tarihi Enstitüsü No. 39, Istanbul, 1948. Ünver, op. cit., 27. 55 İ.A. Arısoy – D. Michalopoulos EBAD/JABS Some Remarks on the Socio-Cultural Life of the Turks of Morea … Fig. 2: marmarine References to marmarine is found in other sources as well, including a variety of Turkish websites on cooking, which qualify it as an “Ottoman dish” 130. But they all seem to be derived from the aforementioned record. In other words, this specialty seems to have been revived thanks to Prof. Ünver’s publication, rather than being handed over from generation to generation. Perhaps the dish was from a specific region of Morea. In any case its name is not of Turkish origin but rather recalls the adjective μαρμάρινη in Greek, meaning something made of marble or looks like it. Probably the delicious view of the baked pastry was found similar to a colourful marble. During the 9th International Congress of Peloponnesian Studies, it turned out that as of today, this specialty is not known in Peloponnese either. CONCLUSIONS The above-stated details on social and cultural life of the Ottoman-Turkish population of Morea have been collected from a variety of sources, which reflect both the extent and the complexity of the issue. Given the remoteness of the period and scarcity of sources providing direct information, we did not adopt a comprehensive and exhaustive approach. Avoiding generalisations as much as possible, we rather tried to share certain concrete details, which might shed light on a few, but relatively crucial aspects of socio-cultural life of the Ottoman-Turkish inhabitants of Morea during the period between the 17th and 19th centuries. 130 Mehmet Z. Pakalın, Osmanlı Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü, vol. 2, MEB Devlet Kitapları, Istanbul 1983, p. 409; Marmarine, Bir Osmanlı Yemeği, http://cicekekmek.blogspot.com.tr/2013/11/marmarine-bir-osmanliyemegi.html , retrieved 21.10.2015; İnci Beşoğul, “Marmarine”, http://lezzetler.com/marmarine-tarif-86938 , retrieved 21.10.2015. 56 EBAD/JABS Ege ve Balkan Araştırmaları Dergisi / Journal of Aegean and Balkan Studies 2015-2 (2) Nevertheless, if we are supposed to draw conclusions from these details, firstly, we can say that despite its being a frontier area constantly open to threats and conflicts, Muslim communities grew and spread all over the peninsula, a fact which reflects the transformative power of the Ottoman Empire. These communities, which were differing from each other in social and even ethno-linguistic terms, developed gradually and eventually formed the “Muslim” or “Ottoman-Turkish” element of Morea. Thus, for most of its history, Turks of Morea reflected a heterogeneous socio-cultural structure, being made up of various subgroups. This heterogeneity can also be interpreted as a source of dynamism for this community, which seems to have generated people of all socio-cultural strata. Another point, which should be noted, is the fact that despite the adoption of Ottoman-Turkish cultural elements, in terms of language, daily life etc., this community remained to a great extent local and native to Morea. Last but not in the least, results of this study suggest that the cultural influences of Western Europe reached the Ottoman world firstly through this area, much before the Tanzimat period. On the one hand, the above-stated details on the knowledge of French language reflect the role of the Turks of Morea in the birth of modern Turkish bureaucracy – and intelligentsia of the Tanzimat period. On the other hand, details on daily life show the direct influence of Western Europe here. Needless to say, this argument remains an impression, clarification of which exceeds the scope of this paper. As a hypothesis, it merits a detailed further study, through which the very early roots of Turkish modernisation could be traced back to the late 18th and early 19th century Morea. 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